Messages carried by the resignation of Ben Mubarak from the presidency

Yemen

Yamanat – Special

Anas Al-Qubati

The resignation of Dr. Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak from the post of Prime Minister carried many messages that reveal the depth of the crisis within the components of the internationally recognized government.

Dismissal or resignation…?!

From the way the letter was written, it appears that Ibn Mubarak was forced to resign, and this is evident from the beginning of his resignation by recounting his efforts and what he did in what he called the battle to restore the state, and explaining the challenges, difficulties and obstacles he encountered, leading to what he called the successes that were achieved, of which he did not specify only an orphan success which he called “savings”, which amount to more than $133.5 million in the purchase of electric fuel. bill, and around the same amount will be saved through the cancellation of energy contracts, according to his claims.

Innocence in the face of corruption

The resignation also implicitly accuses the corrupt of being behind his dismissal. In his resignation, he refers to the achievements he claimed to have been able to achieve through the five paths that he said he adopted as priorities in the paths of financial and administrative reform, fighting corruption, activating the presence of state institutions and their leaders and maximizing the benefits of foreign grants and loans. It is as if he meant that these ways disturb the corrupt, in an attempt to clear his name of corruption.

Deep disagreement

In a later message, Ibn Mubarak revealed a deep disagreement with the Presidential Leadership Council, and perhaps he is talking here about the President of the Presidential Leadership Council, Rashad Al-Alimi, a disagreement that has already been reported by many media outlets. The most important of these disagreements was the appointment of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Shaye al-Zindani, without referring to him, despite the refusal of the Governing Council at the time.

Ibn Mubarak may also have wanted to reveal his disagreement with certain components of legitimacy, notably the Yemeni Islah party.

This is clear from his words: “I have faced many difficulties and challenges, perhaps the biggest being not being able to work. In accordance with my constitutional powers, make decisions necessary to reform a number of state institutions, and not to empower me From the government amendment due).

Marked contrasts

Although when Ibn Mubarak mentioned the above, he forgot that his government was based on consensus, and he also forgot that the consensus disrupted what he calls his “constitutional powers”, while he realized that he arrived at the post of Prime Minister according to this consensus, which disrupted his powers, and therefore its meaning can only be understood as a search for justifications for failure and corruption, which cannot be borne alone, but rather carried by legitimacy as system, because it lives in a state of acute contradictions between its components, and all of them lack decision-making power. Sovereignty, in light of its acceptance of foreign interventions and diktats.

Legalization of failure

The resignation of Ben Mubarak, coming in light of overlapping crises and a collapse of services and the economy, indicates that the accumulation of failures over a decade is linked to the corruption ravaging state institutions, which was codified by quotas, which in turn codified consensus as the basis for making decisive decisions.

Compromise

It should be noted here that the agreement reached regarding his resignation provided for compromises between the components of the government and the Presidential Leadership Council. Ibn Mubarak, who recently seemed relatively close to the Southern Transitional Council, submitted his resignation only after the transitional leader, Salem Al-Awlaki, was appointed head of the General Land Authority, succeeding “Anis Baharitha”, the director of his office, who was dismissed by presidential decision amid corruption cases, meaning that the transitional council accepted the dismissal of Ibn Mubarak. Mubarak before he resigned in exchange for extending his share to state lands, and therein lies the quota-sponsored failure.

agreement

At the same time, it appears that the agreement to dismiss Ibn Mubarak before his resignation was the result of an agreement between the components, which stipulated that he would be presented before the people as a scapegoat for failure in various aspects, with the components retaining their current shares in the government. This is evident from the decision to appoint Salem Ben Brik as Prime Minister, who decided that the government will remain in its current structure, making this decision a mere grain of ashes in the eyes of the people, because the government has not changed, indicating that the failure and corruption it manages will continue in the future, in addition to the appointment of the Minister of Finance as Prime Minister. It is understood that economic and financial policy will not change, even if it is considered the basis of the government’s failure and the symbol of its corruption.

Expected change

The resignation of Ben Mubarak, which was only accepted by consensus, taking into account the achievements of the components, also indicates that an expected change will affect the Governing Council, which is likely to reduce the number of its members, but this requires an external consensus before an internal consensus, especially between the main regional players (Saudi Arabia, Emirates) and to some extent secondary players like Qatar, which means that it takes more time to reach a consensus.

Deep crisis

In general, the resignation of Ben Mubarak reveals a deep crisis within the components of legitimacy, and this crisis is reminiscent of that of ten years ago, which led to the dismissal of the Basindawa government and the mission of Ben Mubarak to form a government before resigning under pressure from the Houthis who refused to name him at the time, so that a competent government was formed led by Bahah, but it bore no description other than the name, while he It was essentially a government of quotas.

Relay failure

It was this crisis between the components of power post-February 11, 2011 that pushed the country towards war, and led to the division of the country’s geography between rival de facto authorities, which caused this crisis to continue for the next ten years, to explode again today, for almost relatively similar reasons, although more complex, which can make the government of Ibn Brik a mere decoration, hiding behind it chronic and deceptive conflicts that can push the country towards a worst stage of his situation. disintegration, especially if Certain components that have military and security training proceeded to impose a fait accompli in the geography of control, like what the Houthis did in 2015, which will open the door to the formation of local governments under the name of self-government or self-administration. The components of the Hadhramaut Tribal Alliance and the Transitional Council, and perhaps other components, are appointed to announce it, and all will formulate justifications, causes and factors to justify their tearful steps, if they find a green light from the outside.

Yemen